WeeklySA_AdminLEGACY: In this last instalment of a three-part series, former trade unionist Sthembele Khala reflects on how media workers’ struggle was derailed by ideology and intolerance…
By Sithembele Khala
A question that remains unanswered is whether the advent of democracy in South Africa broke the resolve of the unions or enhanced it. The union resolve is usually to stay focused with unshakeable commitment to the cause of the workers.
The trade union movement and the political forces fighting for freedom in a particular country during repression and oppression are bound by a common cause. The trade union space becomes another terrain of struggle. Once freedom is attained, the relationship is strained as political organisations contest for state power and to govern. The tensions are managed in the beginning to conceal contradictions that are antagonistic in nature.
South Africa has experienced this moment. Attempts to reconcile reveal irreconcilable class differences. The interests of the new ruling class dominate and unfairly expect those of the working class to lay dormant. In an effort to preserve the partnership, unions started to speak in forked tongues and undefined tones.
How I wish that the Media Workers Association of South Africa (Mwasa)had a voice right now. The media space is contaminated. It is alarming how the media has been juniorised, and this with dire consequences impacting on its credibility.
The profession is struggling with common core basics, such as attributes of simple journalistic values of balance, fairness, and ethical conduct. The demise of Mwasa was two-fold: first, political, and second, socio-economic. On the political front, and towards the end of the apartheid rule, the United Democratic Front (UDF)and trade unions aligned to the Congress philosophy, declared and launched war against Mwasa.
The warfare, morphed deeply into the socio-economic sphere, with the department of labour, for some frivolous reasons, deregistered Mwasa – signalling the death knell for the workers’ union.
Thirdly, the Mwasa leadership at the times of the demise may have lacked the wherewithal to promote the ideals Mwasa stood for in the beginning, thus creating a gaping hole in the fight for a free media. The freedom of the media should not be allowed to sink, and follow the vacillating morality of the Western media.
Our understanding and conception of the freedom of the media has always been that it is sacrosanct; it respects and also deserves respect. Western media cannot therefore serve as a role model.
The media struggles in this country demonstrate moral and historical connections between a free press, aspirations and hopes it carries for the people. While freedom of the press is a key pillar of a democratic dispensation, in itself, this so-called fourth pillar of democracy is insufficient.
A free media must embrace critical values, like diversity and plurality as opposed to monopoly. Without these supporting tenets, the media freedom is an illusion.
Mwasa was opposed to monopoly ownership by the four erstwhile media giants of the time and a single state broadcaster. This is the argument we were making to the ANC at the time of the unbundling of the print media.
The pattern of monopoly should be broken, and the Argus Group’s willingness to sell must have been seen then as an opportunity to introduce black players into this critical space.
Mwasa wanted a South African consortium comprising largely black entrepreneurs to buy a portion of the Argus Group and to then channel an important voice that was screaming from the wilderness. We were also opposed to the British model, the so-called split model which only requires the public broadcaster to be impartial.
Our contention was that all media should be objective and progressive. The media must be vigilant and keep an eye on revisionism or anti-democratic tendencies. This was important for South Africa as a developmental state rising from the apartheid ashes.
Secondly, there was already too much British influence in our new South Africa political landscape, from being a former British Colony to the Constitution of the new South Africa and our judicial system, among others.
If the press did not understand its soul could not be compromised or bought in any shape or form, it became a danger to the people it was meant to serve.
Democracy can only be a reality if the voters are able to make informed decisions of their free will. To achieve this, the people need information and knowledge which the other pillars of democracy want to keep away from them (as some unknown author once observed). The role of the press, through investigative journalism, impartiality, fearlessness, research, and more, is to find this information and present it to the people. This means, a free press cannot be a teddy-bear of the other pillars of democracy. This defines the role of the press, and how it ought to be positioned.
The Mwasa dream was for South Africa to serve as a role model to the world of a free media. Privately, I also wish, that South Africa was remembered more as a model of a free media than that of the best constitution.
This is a legacy worth a celebration, as Joe Thloloe would say: “A free media should not be judged for the good that it does in a country, but by the bad it prevents.”
On international solidarity, the Mwasa record speaks for itself. I know Mwasa would be in the forefront defending journalists who risk their lives and die in the line of duty in the Gaza Strip today.
The whole arm of the international solidarity cooperation has gone cold since the disappearance of the International Federation Journalists (IFJ)and the demise of Mwasa and the SA Union of Journalists (SAUJ). First of all, the workers have lost a strong voice. They lost touch with other workers of the world in the same industry.
Although the two unions -Mwasa and SAUJ – were rivals most of the time, they also enjoyed important cooperation on important matters. They fought the apartheid draconian legislations affecting the media, journalists and media workers. They cooperated on matters of mutual interest like job training and specialised training for workers. The first thing the new Argus management scrapped or drastically reduced was the training budget for employees.
Mwasa through international solidarity found opportunities for the workers to be trained.
Mwasa and the SAUJ challenged the censorship laws through the Anti-Censorship Committee, comprising people such as Thloloe, Anton Harber, Pat Sidley, the late Raymond Louw, Sithembele Khala, Tseliso Ralitabo, among others.
We fought Section 205 of the Criminal procedure Act together in cases such as that of Patrick Laurence of The Star who fell victim of this outdated piece of legislation.
Other journalists and photographers affected included: Kobus Louwrens of Die Burger; Christo Lotter, the photographer; Benny Cool of the Cape Times, among others. These were journalists who were summoned by the state to testify in the Rashaad Stagie and People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (Pagad) case in Cape Town.
With the demise of Mwasa, its members also lost effective legal defence provided by the union through its legal heavyweights, among them, former chief justice Raymond Zondo for our KwaZulu-Natal legal matters; judge-president of Gauteng, Dunstan Mlambo; former Constitutional Court judge, Edwin Cameron; high court judge, Edwin Molahlehi, among others. Mwasa, and its demise, with unions such as SAUJ, left a void in the media industry, almost impossible to fill.
In terms of the ABC (2006) report, by 1996, the print media had lost about 11% of its circulation. The report does not offer insights into the causal factors; it only cites technology as responsible for this steep decline of circulation
I was trying to understand these developments with interest, because as I said earlier, I did not believe that only technology created havoc, and decline in circulation.
My concerns were partially addressed in the two commissions reports of the SA National Editors’ Forum (Sanef) around 2005.
In the one study, the commission found that the quality of reporting had deteriorated to an astonishing skills deficit. These included: interviewing skills and general knowledge of various subjects and specialised fields such as science.
In another report, the Sanef Commission also assessed the role of managers in the newsroom, middle and junior. The findings were disappointing as well. By this time, only Sanef remained as a journalist structure in the country. But Sanef is not designed for trade union work.
My fondest memories go to the Sowetan, the rock upon which Mwasa was founded. Sowetan was synonymous with Mwasa. You could not work at the newspaper and not be a member. Mwasa has given this country the creme de la creme in journalism, photography, and other types of camera work.
Names that come to mind include Thloloe, Thami Mazwai, Jon Qwelane, Aggrey Klaaste, Mike Tissong, Mathatha Tsedu, Barney Mthombothi, Gabu Tugwana, Joshua Raboroko, Themba Molefe, Mokgadi Pela, Len Maseko, Jo-Mangaliso Mdhlela, Sonti Maseko, Thabo Leshilo (Gauteng) and a host of other media workers.
Not to mention some of the best photographers in Gauteng. These included Alf Khumalo, Len Khumalo, Moffat Zungu, Mbuzeni Zulu, Peter Magubane, among others.
Free State: Pula Pula Mothibi, Thuso Motaung, Mamontha Motaung, Wire Khoali, Kotokoto Ntokoana, Solly Mphatsoe; Sello Thulo; Hlaudi Motsoeneng; Thabiso Parkies, Chomane Chomane, Mosololi Mohapi, and more.
In the Western Cape, such household names included Sandra Nagfaal, Aziz Hartly; Moegsien Williams; Aneez Salie, Moegsien Williams, and Ray Hartley, Ray Wolf, among others.
The KwaZulu-Natal included name such as Daizer Mqhaba; the late Strini Moodley, the late Mike Mthakathi, Farhana Ismail, among others.
The SABC gave us Mandlakayise Masanabo, Vincent Mfundisi, Noxolo Grootboom, Sibongile Sokhulu, Phuthego Mojapele, Vuyo Mbuli, Tommy Morudu, Mzukisi Twala (Gandaganda), Rachel Lerutla, Thabo Kofa, Mokotjo Mokotjo, among others.
When the true history of South Africa is written, do not forget these workers and the work they did towards the attainment of our political freedom.
To all of former members of Mwasa, we salute them.
• Khala is former secretary-general of Mwasa
